Razakars and Their Activities / Qasim Rizvi

 

2Question: Razakars and Their Activities / Qasim Rizvi

Ans: Razvi hailed from Uttar Pradesh and became a lawyer in Latur in Osmanabad, a district of the Hyderabad State. He became a member of the Majlis-e- Ittehad-ul Mussalmeen of which Bahadur Yar Jung was the president. Razvi was a highly emotional person. Once when the Bahadur Yar Jung came to Latur to set up the Party office there, Razvi offered his house for that purpose and starting throwing out his furniture in the street to vacate it.

 

President of the Majlis

 

On the sudden and untimely death of Bahadur Yar Jung in 1946, Razvi succeeded him as President of the party. He imparted a sharp militancy to it and delivered highly provocative speeches. He exhorted Muslims to remember that they had conquered India by sword and that they were destined to rule.

When India became independent in 1947, Nizam tried to become an independent ruler. Razvi encouraged him in his ambition. He declared that the waters of the Bay of Bengal would wash his feet. He also bragged that the Nizam’s flag would flutter on the Red Fort at Delhi.

 

Razvi fanned communalism in a State, which was generally known for its communal harmony. He created a para- military force composed of volunteers called ‘razakars’. Every razakar had to take pledge that he would lay down his life for the leader and the party and he would fight to the last to maintain the Muslim hegemony in the State. The razakars were given military training and they were armed with sticks, swords, and some with guns. Razvi was the Field Marshal of the outfit and like his followers wore khaki uniform.

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When after protracted negotiations, the Nizam and the Government of India decided to enter a Standstill Agreement in 1947, Razvi’s razakars prevented the members of the State delegation from leaving for Delhi to sign it. They also manhandled the Prime Minister and others. They spread a reign of terror in the State and Razvi issued severe threats to everyone who dared to oppose or even differed from him. A young journalist, Shoebullah Khan was murdered by razakars because he wrote in favour of State’s integration with India.

 

Razvi’s power grew and he and his people came to wield increasingly greater influence with the Nizam and the his government. The moderate Prime Minister, Sir Mirza Ismail was hounded out of the State. So was Nawab Chhatari who had returned to Hyderabad for a second term as Premier in 1947.

 

In January 1948, Razvi imposed a new government on the State. Mir Laik Ali was appointed its Prime Minister. The Muslims affected by the Partition riots were encourage to come to Hyderabad. Many harassed Hindu families left the state for the safety of India.

 

Police Action

The Government of India launched the ‘Police Action’ against Hyderabad on 13 September 1948. Four days later, the Nizam declared an unconditional surrender and General J.N. Choudhuri was appointed the military Governor of the State.

All ministers and some prominent leaders of the Ittehad including Razvi were taken into custody.

 

After detailed investigation, three criminal cases were filed against Razvi and six others: the Aland Murder Case; the Shoebullah Khan Murder Case; and the Bibinagar Dacoity Case. A special tribunal with three judges -- one Christian, one Muslim, and one Hindu was constituted to try the accused. Later, the Government withdrew the Aland Murder case for want of sufficient evidence. Askar Yar Jung, a former member of the State Judicial Committee was appointed the defense counsel along with some others to assist him. At the argument stage, Razvi asked for the removal of the counsels and argued his own case.

Jail for Razvi

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On 10 September 1950 the Tribunal awarded Razvi seven years hard labour in the case of the Bibinagar Dacoity Case, and life sentence in the Shoebullah Khan Murder Case. On appeal in the High Court, the life sentence was quashed but the sentence for seven years hard labour was upheld. The Razkar supremo was sent to the Chanchalguda Jail in the city, put in fetters and asked to cut grass in the jail compound.

 

Zahid Ali Kamil was a young advocate and an admirer of Razvi. On his own admission, he used to smuggle messages to and from Razvi in the jail. A copy of Razvi’s strong letter written to Nehru, the Prime Minister of India was smuggled out. So was his threat to resort to hunger strike for the harsh treatment meted out to the razakars by the Government. To put a stop to that, the Government shifted Razvi to Yervada Jail in Pune in 1954. He served the rest of his term there.

Q: Gentlemen’s Agreement

Ans: The Gentlemen’s Agreement of 1956: A Comprehensive Overview

Introduction

The Gentlemen’s Agreement of 1956 was a pivotal moment in the formation of Andhra Pradesh, a state created by merging the Telugu-speaking regions of Andhra State and the Telangana region of Hyderabad State. Signed on February 20, 1956, this agreement aimed to address the concerns of Telangana leaders regarding the integration of their region with Andhra State, ensuring equitable governance, development, and representation. The agreement was a landmark effort to balance regional aspirations and create a unified Telugu-speaking state while safeguarding the interests of the Telangana region. Below is a detailed exploration of the context, key provisions, implementation, and long-term impact of the Gentlemen’s Agreement.

Historical Context

The demand for a separate Telugu-speaking state emerged in the early 20th century as part of the broader movement for linguistic reorganization in India. The Andhra region, which had been part of the Madras Presidency since 1802 under British rule, saw growing calls for separation. In 1914, Nyapathi Subba Rao proposed separating Andhra from Madras at the second Andhra Mahaa Sabha meeting, though this faced opposition from some Rayalaseema and Nellore leaders.

By the 1930s, the movement gained momentum. The Sree Bhaagh Agreement of 1937, named after the residence of Telugu leader Kaashinaathuni Nageshwar Rao in Madras, laid the groundwork for addressing regional concerns. Leaders from Andhra and Rayalaseema met to discuss the formation of a separate Andhra State, agreeing on key conditions such as establishing either the capital or the High Court in Rayalaseema, prioritizing irrigation projects for the region, and setting up educational institutions, including a university in Tirupati.

Post-independence, the issue of linguistic states became a national concern. The S.K. Dhar Commission (1948) was appointed to examine the feasibility of language-based states but did not support the idea. Dissatisfied, Andhra leaders pushed for further review, leading to the formation of the JVP Committee (1949), comprising Jawaharlal Nehru, Vallabhbhai Patel, and Pattabhi Seetharamaiah. The JVP Committee suggested postponing linguistic reorganization but allowed for the creation of Andhra State without including Madras city.

The struggle for a separate Andhra State intensified with Swami Seetharam’s fast unto death in 1951, followed by Potti Sreeramulu’s 58-day fast in 1952, which ended in his death on December 15, 1952. His sacrifice sparked widespread agitations, prompting Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru to announce the formation of a separate Telugu state on December 19, 1952. The Andhra State Bill was introduced in Parliament on August 10, 1953, and Andhra State was officially formed on October 1, 1953, with Kurnool as its capital.

Meanwhile, the concept of Vishalandhra—a unified Telugu-speaking state combining Andhra State and the Telugu-speaking areas of Hyderabad State—gained traction. Puchalapalli Sundaraiah, a prominent communist leader, championed this idea, launching the Vishalandhra newspaper in 1952 and authoring a book, Vishalandhra lo Prajaa Raajyam, outlining the benefits of unification. The first Vishalandhra Mahaa Sabha meeting was held in Warangal, with Hayagreevachari as president, followed by a second meeting in Hyderabad in June 1954, chaired by Sri Sri.

The Fazl Ali Commission (States Reorganization Commission), appointed in 1953, played a crucial role in shaping the linguistic reorganization of India. Its members—Fazl Ali, H.N. Kunzru, and K.M. Panikkar—recommended the formation of language-based states in their 1955 report. However, Telangana leaders, including K.V. Ranga Reddy and Marri Chenna Reddy, expressed concerns about merging with Andhra, advocating for Telangana to remain a separate state. The commission suggested a vote on Vishalandhra in the 1961 Assembly elections, but Andhra leaders were unwilling to wait.

In the Hyderabad State Assembly, 103 of 174 MLAs supported Vishalandhra, 29 opposed it, and 16 remained neutral. The lack of consensus, particularly due to Telangana leaders’ insistence on including the phrase “as per the wishes of the people” in the resolution, stalled progress. To resolve these tensions, the Gentlemen’s Agreement was negotiated in February 1956 at Andhra Bhavan in Hyderabad, paving the way for the formation of Andhra Pradesh on November 1, 1956.

The Gentlemen’s Agreement: Key Provisions

The Gentlemen’s Agreement was signed by eight leaders—four from Andhra (Bezawada Gopala Reddy, Neelam Sanjeeva Reddy, Sardar Gouthu Lachhanna, Alluri Satyanarayana) and four from Telangana (Burgula Ramakrishna Rao, K.V. Ranga Reddy, Marri Chenna Reddy, J.V. Narsinga Rao). The agreement outlined 14 key points to ensure equitable treatment of Telangana in the new state of Andhra Pradesh. Below is a detailed breakdown of these provisions:

1.      Leadership Representation: Either the Chief Minister or the Deputy Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh should be from Telangana, ensuring political representation for the region. If the Chief Minister was from Andhra, the Deputy Chief Minister would be from Telangana, and vice versa.

2.      Regional Autonomy: The Telangana region would be treated as a distinct unit for specific administrative matters, allowing for localized governance to address regional needs.

3.      Urdu Language Continuity: Urdu, widely used in Telangana under Hyderabad State, would remain an official language for five years, protecting linguistic diversity.

4.      No Compulsory Telugu Learning: Residents of Telangana would not be forced to learn Telugu, respecting the region’s linguistic and cultural identity.

5.      Liquor Ban Consensus: Prohibition of liquor in Telangana would only be implemented with the consensus of the region’s people, acknowledging local sentiments.

6.      Regional Standing Committee: A 20-member Regional Standing Committee, comprising Telangana MLAs (including ministers but excluding the Chief Minister), would be established to oversee specific matters related to the region.

7.      Legislative Role of the Regional Committee: The committee would review legislation concerning specified matters and propose policies not involving significant financial commitments.

8.      Matters Under Regional Committee: The committee would handle:

A.      Development and economic planning within the state’s broader framework.

B.      Local self-government, including municipal corporations and district boards.

C.      Public health, sanitation, and local hospitals.

D.      Primary and secondary education.

E.       Regulation of admissions to educational institutions in Telangana.

F.       Prohibition policies.

G.      Sale of agricultural lands.

H.      Cottage and small-scale industries.

I.        Agriculture, cooperative societies, markets, and fairs.

9.      Review of Arrangements: The agreement’s terms would be reviewed after ten years unless revised earlier by mutual consent.

10.  Domicile Rules: Recruitment to subordinate services in Telangana would prioritize candidates meeting the Hyderabad Mulki Rules, requiring 15 years of residence and an affidavit of intent to stay in Telangana.

11.  Urdu in Administration and Judiciary: The Government of India would ensure Urdu’s continued use in Telangana’s administrative and judicial systems for five years.

12.  Integration of Personnel: Service personnel from Hyderabad State would be integrated into Andhra Pradesh without retrenchment. If retrenchment was necessary, all personnel would be treated equally.

13.  Expenditure Allocation: The state’s expenditure on central and general administration would be shared proportionately between Andhra and Telangana, with the remaining income reserved for Telangana’s development.

14.  Educational Facilities: Existing educational facilities, including technical education, in Telangana would be secured and improved to benefit local students.

Additionally, the cabinet would maintain a 60:40 ratio of Andhra to Telangana ministers, with one Telangana minister being Muslim, reflecting the region’s diverse population.

Implementation and Challenges

The Gentlemen’s Agreement facilitated the formation of Andhra Pradesh on November 1, 1956, but its implementation faced significant challenges. While the agreement aimed to protect Telangana’s interests, several provisions were not fully honored, leading to dissatisfaction among Telangana leaders and residents.

A.      Political Representation: The provision for a Telangana Chief Minister or Deputy Chief Minister was inconsistently implemented. Andhra leaders often dominated key positions, leading to perceptions of marginalization in Telangana.

B.      Regional Committee: The Regional Standing Committee was established but lacked sufficient authority to influence major decisions. Its role was often ceremonial, limiting its impact on Telangana’s development.

C.      Economic Disparities: The allocation of resources and development funds did not always favor Telangana as promised. Andhra’s coastal regions, with better infrastructure and irrigation, progressed faster, exacerbating regional inequalities.

D.      Domicile Rules and Employment: The Mulki Rules were contentious, with disputes over their enforcement. Non-Telangana residents sometimes secured jobs in the region, fueling resentment.

E.       Cultural and Linguistic Concerns: While Urdu’s official status was maintained temporarily, the emphasis on Telugu as the state’s primary language marginalized Telangana’s distinct cultural identity.

By the late 1960s, discontent over the agreement’s implementation led to the Telangana movement, with demands for a separate Telangana state. The 1969 Telangana Agitation, led by students and employees, highlighted grievances such as job discrimination and underdevelopment. The central government responded with measures like the Eight-Point Plan and the Five-Point Formula, but these failed to fully address Telangana’s concerns.

Long-Term Impact

The Gentlemen’s Agreement was a significant attempt to balance regional aspirations within a unified Andhra Pradesh, but its shortcomings contributed to ongoing tensions. The agreement’s failure to ensure equitable development and representation fueled the Telangana movement, culminating in the creation of Telangana as a separate state on June 2, 2014, under the Andhra Pradesh Reorganization Act.

The agreement remains a critical case study in India’s linguistic reorganization and federal governance. It highlighted the challenges of integrating regions with distinct historical, cultural, and economic backgrounds. The emphasis on regional autonomy and equitable resource allocation influenced subsequent state reorganization efforts, such as the creation of smaller states like Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, and Uttarakhand in 2000.

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The Gentlemen’s Agreement of 1956 was a well-intentioned effort to unite Telugu-speaking regions while addressing Telangana’s concerns. Its 14 provisions aimed to ensure political representation, regional autonomy, and equitable development. However, inconsistent implementation and regional disparities led to dissatisfaction, paving the way for the eventual bifurcation of Andhra Pradesh. The agreement underscores the complexities of linguistic reorganization and the importance of sustained commitment to regional equity in diverse federal systems.