Student and Workers Organisations and Movements in Nizam state

 

 

QUESTION:  Student and Workers Organisations and Movements in Nizam state 

Answer:

Introduction

The princely state of Hyderabad, ruled by the Nizams from 1724 to 1948, was a feudal stronghold characterized by autocratic governance, religious favoritism, and economic exploitation. Under Asaf Jah VII, Mir Osman Ali Khan, the state encompassed diverse regions, including Telangana, where agrarian distress and urban discontent fueled social unrest. Student and workers' organizations emerged in the 20th century as critical forces challenging this regime. Influenced by global ideologies like Marxism, nationalism, and anti-colonialism, these groups mobilized against feudal landlords (durras), forced labor (vetti), and the Nizam's alliance with British paramountcy. Students, often from urban intelligentsia, formed unions and cultural forums that radicalized into political entities, while workers organized trade unions in nascent industries like textiles, mining, and railways. Both intersected in broader movements, notably the Telangana Rebellion (1946-1951), a communist-led peasant uprising that drew heavily on student activism and labor solidarity. These organizations not only demanded reforms but also envisioned a secular, egalitarian society, blending local grievances with national independence struggles. Despite repression, including arrests, bans, and violence from Razakars (Nizam's paramilitary), they laid the groundwork for Hyderabad's integration into India via Operation Polo in 1948. This era's legacy persists in Telangana's political consciousness, highlighting how youth and labor movements transformed feudal resistance into revolutionary action.

Student Organisations and Movements

Student movements in the Nizam state began as cultural and educational initiatives but evolved into radical platforms against autocracy. Osmania University, founded in 1918 as the first Urdu-medium institution, became a hotbed of dissent. Students faced linguistic barriers, with Urdu dominating while Telugu and other local languages were sidelined, alienating the majority Hindu population. Early organizations like the Andhra Mahasabha (AMS), established in 1930, initially focused on Telugu cultural promotion but by the 1940s, under communist influence, transformed into a militant mass organization. AMS recruited students, workers, and peasants, demanding abolition of vetti, tenancy rights, and democratic reforms. Its annual conferences, such as the 1944 session in Bhongir, elected communist leaders like Ravi Narayan Reddy as president, purging moderates and emphasizing class struggle.

The Vande Mataram Movement in the 1930s marked an early student awakening. Triggered by restrictions on singing the nationalist anthem, students at Osmania University protested, leading to expulsions and arrests. This inspired radical groups; by 1942, progressive student organizations merged into the All Hyderabad Students Union (AHSU), fostering political radicalism among youth. AHSU organized study circles on Marxism, anti-fascism, and anti-Nizam policies, linking campus issues to broader feudal oppression. The Comrades Association, formed in 1938 to counter communalism, became a communist front, attracting students through Urdu poetry and literature. It used journals like Naya Adab to propagate secular ideas, evolving from intellectual forums to action-oriented cells.

In the 1940s, students played pivotal roles in agitations. The 1952 mulki (local) agitation, led by figures like Keshav Rao Jadhav at Nizam College, protested non-local dominance in jobs, highlighting discrimination against locals. Jadhav, influenced by Arya Samaj, formed the Hyderabad Students' Union, mobilizing against employment biases and feudalism. Arya Samaj itself, active since the 1920s, organized students in anti-Nizam campaigns, blending Hindu reformism with nationalism. Women's student groups, like those in Andhra Mahila Sabha, addressed gender inequalities, participating in literacy drives and protests.

The Telangana Rebellion amplified student involvement. From 1946, students joined guerrilla squads, forming volunteer forces to defend villages. In urban areas, they led strikes and rallies, facing police raids. Devulapalli Venkateswara Rao, a former student agitator, built CPI units in Warangal, recruiting youth disillusioned with Congress. By 1948, student-led communes (gram rajyams) in 4,000 villages promoted education and gender equality, reducing caste barriers. Post-rebellion, many students entered politics, winning seats in 1952 elections.

These movements faced severe repression; the Nizam banned gatherings, leading to underground operations. Yet, they fostered a generation of leaders, blending education with activism, and contributed to cultural revival through folk songs and theater.

Workers Organisations and Movements

Workers' movements in the Nizam state emerged with industrialization in the 1930s, focusing on textiles, mining, and public utilities. The feudal economy exploited laborers through low wages, long hours, and vetti, with no legal protections. Trade unions formed covertly, often under communist auspices, as the regime prohibited strikes via the Industrial Disputes Order.

The Comrades Association (1938) initiated union activities, organizing workers in electricity, water works, and government press. By 1946, it birthed the All Hyderabad Trade Union Congress (AHTUC), affiliated with the All India Trade Union Congress (AITUC). AHTUC's founding conference in Secunderabad, inaugurated by N.M. Joshi, united unions from textiles (Azamjahi Mills, Warangal), coal (Singareni Collieries), tobacco (Vazir Sultan), and municipal services. It demanded better wages, safety, and recognition, facing arrests during 'Anti-Repression Day' in 1946. .              www.osmanian.com

Key unions included Singareni Collieries Workers Union, led by Raj Bahadur Gour, which affiliated with AHTUC and struck against hazardous conditions. Textile unions in Warangal and Gulbarga, organized by Ramanathan and Sreenivas Giri, boycotted exploitative practices. Municipal workers, under Amarnath Burman, struck in 1948 for rights. Unions operated area-wise in Musheerabad, using mass rallies and petitions due to strike bans.

AHTUC aligned with the Telangana Rebellion, issuing a 1947 declaration for armed insurrection and Hyderabad's integration into India. Workers joined peasant squads, seizing lands and factories. Post-1948, many unions shifted to INTUC or HMS amid CPI suppression.

Leaders like Makhdoom Mohiuddin (AHTUC president) used poetry for mobilization, while Gour and Parsa Satyanarayana led coal strikes. Impacts included partial reforms, like reduced vetti, but repression limited gains until integration.

Intersection in Telangana Rebellion

The rebellion bridged student and worker movements under CPI leadership. AMS and AHTUC coordinated agitations from 1944, with students and workers in joint committees. Doddi Komarayya's 1946 killing sparked militancy, with youth forming dalams (squads). Workers provided logistics, students ideological training. Gram rajyams empowered both, redistributing land and promoting literacy.

Key Figures and Events

Leaders: Ravi Narayan Reddy (AMS), Makhdoom Mohiuddin (AHTUC), Keshav Rao Jadhav (HSU). Events: 1946 Anti-Repression Day, 1948 strikes, 1952 mulki protests.

Legacy and Conclusion

These movements dismantled feudalism, influencing post-1948 reforms. They fostered secularism and equity, inspiring modern Telangana activism. Despite challenges, they epitomize collective resistance in India's freedom struggle.